The very premise of Aadhar is flawed.

The very premise of Aadhar is flawed.

Its a certification that those who claim to think on behalf of India or its underprivileged understand it so differently from the beneficiaries they think of.

In a nutshell, Aadhar will not bring about any of the benefits that are intended for its intended beneficiaries. Because that will be solving a problem of governance by adding another layer that is imaginary and unnecessary.

To call it "technological leadership" is as removed from reality as calling a reader a writer of the book. At best it will mean that we can take a technology and ram it down the throat of the poor while other nations with stronger democratic roots and respect for citizens have not been able to do so for reasons of building consensus.

"Aadhar" is like dropping a car by helicopter in a village where there is no road and hope every villager can reach wherever they may want to go.

For anyone willing to think, Aadhar is a reflection of the huge disconnect that India has from both the world of the under privileged and the rest of the world.

Please think through before supporting UID/ Aadhaar, so you do not regret your decision.

James Madison

Emphasising the need for separation of powers, James Madison bluntly observed in his essay, Federalist 51. "Because men are not angels," they need government to prevent them, by force when necessary, from invading the lives, property, and liberty of their fellow citizens. He also noted that the same non-angelic men can wield the government’s coercive machinery to use it tyrannically—even in a democracy.

"I don't agree to Nandan Nilekeni and his madcap (UID) scheme which he is trying to promote," Senior BJP Leader Jaswant Singh, Sept 2012

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Tuesday, June 18, 2013

3432 - Pune police chief takes 'Aadhar' of UID to get his salary - dna

Monday, Jun 17, 2013, 2:11 IST | Agency: DNA

dna had reported 8,000 cops were yet to enrol for the card

In an attempt to avoid a major embarrassment, the Pune police commissioner Gulabrao Pol hurriedly approached the Unique Identification Number (UID) centre at the commissionerate for his biometric test. 

An Aadhar Card is mandatory for police personnel to get their monthly salary. 
Interestingly, Pol himself had issued an order last week asking his subordinates to enrol for the UID card by the end of this month. He had also warned them of stringent action if they fail to do so. 

Even though the UID card is mandatory for getting monthly salary, as many as 8,000 policemen out of total strength of 8,500 including top brass officers of the city police do not have the card. dna had reported about this in its report on June 11.

Sources with the police said, “Pol had come to the photography department at the UID centre on Thursday afternoon. He is the first senior officer to have completed the procedure.” 

Officers in the rank of additional commissioner of police, deputy commissioner of police (DCP), assistant commissioner of police (ACP) and police inspector haven’t enroled for their UID cards.

Speaking to dna, additional commissioner of police (administration) Abdur Rehman said, “The commissioner himself enrolled for the card on Thursday. We have strictly instructed the officers to complete the procedure. We expect all policemen to enrol for the card by the end of this month.” 


To make the process easier for the policemen, the top brass police have decided to start UID centres at the Pune police commissionerate headquarters at Swargate and Pimpri. 

3431 - Never too late for a unique number - Times of India

Ajanta Chakraborty, TNN Jun 17, 2013, 05.07AM IST

KOLKATA: They say there's always a second chance. But there's a third chance as well if you want to get hold of your unique identity number. Courtesy the census directorate, the government has already started opening permanent centres to enrol you with the National Population Register (NPR). So it's only a matter of months now before you get the coveted 12-digit number.


With Prime Minister Manmohan Singh bringing areas covered under NPR (including Bengal) within the ambit of the direct benefit transfer (DBT) scheme, such centres have already been set up in Howrah and Cooch Behar. 

"These districts were chosen because NPR has covered more than 75% of the population here," S K Chakraborty, deputy director general, Registrar General of India, told TOI from Delhi.

"In Cooch Behar and Howrah, we have already provided two sets of biometric kits and at least two operators. But these centres couldn't start operation due to the panchayat poll code of conduct. Similar provisions will be made for Kolkata and other districts soon," Chakraborty added. It may be noted that Bengal has already missed the March, 2013, deadline of the NPR. The state has just covered about 22% the 9.1-crore population.

The ministry of home affairs will bear the cost of the permanent centres. According to Chakraborty, the ward-in-charge will be given all necessary support, including computers and manpower. The scheme is being prepared as part of the third phase of the NPR, which relates to updating and maintenance of the database.

Around 12,000 permanent NPR centres will come up across India. But the onus to reach the centres rests on the individuals, who must inform the permanent centre whenever there is birth or death in the family. Migration of members must also be registered with the NPR centres.

"Permanent centres are the only solution to the problem since many people are likely to be left out of the enrolment every time. Minor details of the enrolment centres must be worked out for smooth registration," said P K Majumdar, acting director of census operations in Bengal.

As far as Kolkata is concerned, all the 144 wards have gone through the first round of enrolment. The second phase of biomentric camps has been initiated in places where the first round has been completed. Once the second phase is over, the programme of including those yet to be enrolled will happen in the form of permanent enrolment centres.

"Since the census directorate has limited resources, we are depending on local municipalities and panchayats to cover most of the population. We are aiming at a maximum coverage. It seems possible because only usual residents (those who have lived in an area for six months at a stretch) need to be covered," Majumdar said.

The census directorate, meanwhile, is grappling with issues of overlapping and the consequent confusion created over UID and NPR and problems pertaining to data sharing between the two authorities. While NPR enrolment is compulsory under the provisions of the Citizenship Act, 1955, as amended in 2004, the UID programme was a sweeping initiative launched in 2009. But a parliamentary committee ordered a review of the project that did not have any legislative backing like the NPR.

Steps to unique identification
1. Those families enrolled manually for the 2010 census are given intimation for enrolment for NPR
2. Residents above 5 yrs can enrol
3. Fingerprints of 10 fingers and two iris images are captured and recorded
4. After registering the particulars, a printout is given immediately
5. After collating data, the enrolment list will be verified and displayed in every ward so that residents can check if the particulars are correctly entered
6. Any problem here and you can check with the census directorate office at Salt Lake
7. After completing the process, one is issued the 12-digit UID number
8. The UID number comes to you by post, inscribed on Resident Identity Card (RIC)

Overlapping of NPR and Aadhaar
1. Those who have already got their Aadhaar number in special camps conducted by private players must attend the NPR enrolment
2. So, in effect, if the card is obtained not through census data, then it is invalid
3. But they could skip the lengthy process or photographing of fingerprints and iris
4. The reference to previous Aadhaar enrolment would help import the individual data
5. Even if you fail to refer to previous enrolment and get enrolled afresh, the data base crosschecks and links both
6. NPR enrolment is more comprehensive and final
7. A parliamentary committee has noted that the database for UID or the Aadhaar programme, launched by the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), could be abused in absence of a legal framework
8. It was found that UID was overlapping with the NPR, an older effort to gather the same information
9. Finally, the 144 crore Indian populace was divided between the two programmes. In Bengal, NPR, and not Aadhaar, is applicable

3430 - Aadhaar enrolment set to get a push over next 3 months - The Hindu

Aadhaar enrolment set to get a push over next 3 months

KARTHIK SUBRAMANIAN

Officials targeting 70 % of Tamil Nadu population by September

The process of Aadhaar number generation and the bio-metric data enrolment for the National Population Registry (NPR) in the State is set for a push in the three months ahead, as officials hope to reach 70 per cent coverage by September.

At present, the Aadhaar number generation for the state stood pegged at around 30 per cent of the targeted population number in the NPR, the demographic data bank created by the Census Department in 2010. The coverage of the bio-metric enrolment (photograph, iris and fingerprint scan) through the camps currently stood at around 52 per cent mark.

To generate an Aadhaar number, operators certified by the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) will have to match the demographic data in the NPR with the biometric scans taken at camps by contracted third-party vendors and upload the "packet" to government servers.

The coverage in the districts of Tiruchi, Pudukottai, Ariyalur, Cuddalore, Karur and Perambalur has been significantly more. This is mainly because two rounds of coverage have been done. However, other districts — Chennai, Coimbatore, Nilgiris, Thiruvallur, Sivaganga, Kancheepuram and Nammakal — have poor numbers to show. Chennai so far has had just around four per cent coverage.
In Tiruchi, Pudukottai and Ariyalur, which are expected to feature in the second phase of the rollout of the direct transfer of benefits scheme next month, the coverage is around 70 per cent.

(Chief Minister Jayalalithaa, in a letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in April, opposed the rollout of the scheme in the districts stating that the scheme was against the spirit of federalism and decentralisation.)

Slow pace
The operations so far have not been as fast as the officials would have liked owing to a number of reasons. There has been a general lack of awareness among the public on the necessity for the Aadhaar numbers.

While the less affluent sections have been more willing to enrol themselves, fearing whether they would miss out on direct benefit of transfers for schemes like subsidised LPG in the future, the more affluent sections have generally been lackadaisical in response. To substantiate their point, the officials contrast the overwhelming reception in labour-dominated parts of Tondiarpet in north Chennai with that of Nungambakkam, where the coverage has been poor despite camps being organised for four months.

Another problem has been a shortage of UIDAI-certified operators. The agencies are unable to find enough qualified persons, who have cleared the UIDAI certification, to be able to access the government servers and generate the Aadhaar numbers.

Joint Director of Directorate of Census Operations (Tamil Nadu) M.R.V.Krishna Rao, said the coverage in Chennai district started only in December last and awareness was picking up. The BME (biometric enumeration) camps were being organised in six of the 15 zones of the city currently and would spread in the weeks to come.

Residents covered under the current drive will receive their 12 digit UID number, either through registered post at their home address or through SMS on their registered mobile phones. The actual Aadhaar cards would be issued later.

No need to despair
The current process of biometric scans and matching of demographic data for Aadhaar number generation was not final, Mr.Rao clarified.

"We are trying to cover every region in two phases. Residents should ideally get their enrolment done in the first phase. However, if they miss out, there would be a second phase of coverage at a later date in the same region. They cannot move to a nearby camp and get enrolled though."

If some residents miss out on both phases of coverage, there are still going to be options. Some time towards the end of this year, the Census Department with the State government is planning to establish fully-equipped permanent NPR centres in all zonal offices of cities and taluk offices of districts. The process of enrolment for Aadhaar is going to be an ongoing process.
Keywords: Aadhaar enrolmentNational Population RegistryAadhaar numberUIDAI certificationCensus Department


3429 - Now, Aadhaar at your doorstep - DNA

Now, Aadhaar at your doorstep
Monday, Jun 17, 2013, 6:24 IST | Place: Mumbai | Agency: DNA


Housing societies can send an SMS for enrolment camps.

Forget the hassle of spending hours in serpentine queues to get yourself registered for an Aadhaar card. You can get it done at your doorstep. All your housing society or employer needs to do is send an SMS or register on the state’s Aadhaar website. The SMS service will be operational in a week or so. 



Once the service starts, societies can seek Aadhaar enrolment and registration camps in their premises. At present, office bearers need to register on the official site http://aadhaar.maharashtra.gov.in in case they wish to have camps set up in their societies. Following the resumption of this service, around 300 societies are already on the waiting list.

The idea of setting up centres in housing societies and other private institutions is to ensure that citizens do not have to wait in queues at enrolment centres. Also, there has been a decline in the number of people visiting public centres set up by agencies to get themselves registered.

“The facility is available in Mumbai as of now though we also plan to start it in cities like Pune where there is 60 per cent enrolment,” an official told dna.

In Mumbai, there have been one crore Aadhaar enrolments and 90 lakh UID cards have been generated so far. However, the enrolments are in the range of 20 per machine every day when ideally, they should be around 50 a machine for eight hours.

“We are forwarding requests from housing societies to agencies which will then set up centres as per priority,” said Rajesh Agarwal IT secretary of Maharashtra government.
Housing societies can even send their request by email to uid@maharashtra.gov.in.

3428 - Nandan Nilekani's Aadhaar project faces fight from a team of Europay, Mastercard & Visa - Economic Times


Sugata Ghosh, ET Bureau Jun 17, 2013, 04.00AM IST

MUMBAI: This could be a sign of what the future holds for Aadhaar. Amid an alarming rise in credit card frauds, data thefts and card cloning, a group of bankers will decide in a month the appropriate payment technology for the Indian banking system and retail consumers.


If the group votes for EMV - an internationally accepted technology standard for authenticating credit card, debit card and ATM transactions - Aadhaar, which is comparatively untested and follows a different technology, may face an uncertain future. EVM is a joint initiative between Europay, Mastercard and Visa - the world's leading payments service providers.

Credit and debit cards that are based on EMV have the card and CVC numbers, which are the key to any electronic transaction, hidden or encrypted. Since encrypted data reduces the risk of cloning or skimming at ATMs and merchant outlets, some of the private banks have started upgrading their systems to EMV standards following recent card frauds.

But, if the group, constituted by the Reserve Bank of India, prefers Aadhaar, banks will have to change their systems, procure biometric machines and prepare for different security standards. Bankers, however, are reluctant to spell out their stand openly because the government thinks Aadhaar can be a game changer in disbursing subsidies to people in far-flung regions.

Besides, banks, particularly the state-owned lenders, are unwilling to take on Nandan Nilekani, the former Infosys CEO who heads the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), the state-owned agency that issues the 12-digit Aadhaar numbers.

"Mr Nilekani is pursuing Aadhaar with RBI. He has a standing and has political backing," said a person familiar with the discussions.


Transition Could Take Some Time
"So, while many banks are in favour of EMV due to rising incidents of frauds, they are quiet, waiting for the committee to submit its report, which is expected by early July," said the person. If the committee recommends Aadhaar for banks, it will be a victory for UIDAI. Banks will then have to use Aadhaar for not only customer authentication, but also for payments. But even if banks are mandated to implement Aadhaar, the transition could take time and a slice of the market will move back to cash. So, it will be some years before Visa and Mastercard feel the threat.

Indian banks' payments technology for retail customers is currently at crossroads. ATM transactions are processed through the state-backed National Payments Corporation, which is being positioned as an umbrella organisation for processing all retail payments, while credit and debit card transactions are processed by multinationals like Visa and MasterCard. National Payments Corp, headed by Nilekani's former boss NR Narayana Murthy, is unable to support EMV at present for its network and will have to change its standards if EMV is implemented by banks.

"What's drawing banks towards EMV -- and many Asian banks have already migrated to it -- is the vulnerability of the magnetic stripe technology that's used for credit and debit card transactions today. Micro devices can be planted in ATMs machines to copy the magnetic stripe and scan the PIN to clone cards. This is not possible in EMV where the data is encrypted," said a banker.

Highlighting the monopolies in the industry being created, the Financial Sector Legislative Reforms Commission (FSLRC) has recommended the Competition Commission to look into the subject. Meanwhile, the RBI governor has set up a committee to come out with a discussion paper on Aadhaar as an additional factor of authentication for card transactions. While Aadhaar can be used for authentication and KYC purposes, the regulator would like a final answer on whether it can be used for payments.

3427 - Obama's Soft Totalitarianism: Europe Must Protect Itself from America - Spiegel on line





A Commentary by Jakob Augstein
AFP

People around the world were shocked to learn of the extent of US snooping. This anti-Obama poster comes from Hong Kong.

Is Barack Obama a friend? Revelations about his government's vast spying program call that assumption into doubt. The European Union must protect the Continent from America's reach for omnipotence.

On Tuesday, Barack Obama is coming to Germany. But who, really, will be visiting? He is the 44th president of the United States. He is the first African American to hold the office. He is an intelligent lawyer. And he is a Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

But is he a friend? The revelations brought to us by IT expert Edward Snowden have made certain what paranoid computer geeks and left-wing conspiracy theorists have long claimed: that we are being watched. All the time and everywhere. And it is the Americans who are doing the watching.

On Tuesday, the head of the largest and most all-encompassing surveillance system ever invented is coming for a visit. If Barack Obama is our friend, then we really don't need to be terribly worried about our enemies.

It is embarrassing: Barack Obama will be arriving in Berlin for only the second time, but his visit is coming just as we are learning that the US president is a snoop on a colossal scale. German Chancellor Angela Merkel has said that she will speak to the president about the surveillance program run by the National Security Agency, and the Berlin Interior Ministry has sent a set of 16 questions to the US Embassy. But Obama need not be afraid. German Interior Minister Hans Peter Friedrich, to be sure, did say: "That's not how you treat friends." But he wasn't referring to the fact that our trans-Atlantic friends were spying on us. Rather, he meant the criticism of that spying.

Friedrich's reaction is only paradoxical on the surface and can be explained by looking at geopolitical realities. The US is, for the time being, the only global power -- and as such it is the only truly sovereign state in existence. All others are dependent -- either as enemies or allies. And because most prefer to be allies, politicians -- Germany's included -- prefer to grin and bear it.

'It's Legal'
German citizens should be able to expect that their government will protect them from spying by foreign governments. But the German interior minister says instead: "We are grateful for the excellent cooperation with US secret services." Friedrich didn't even try to cover up his own incompetence on the surveillance issue. "Everything we know about it, we have learned from the media," he said. The head of the country's domestic intelligence agency, Hans-Georg Maassen, was not any more enlightened. "I didn't know anything about it," he said. And Justice Minister Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger was also apparently in the dark. "These reports are extremely unsettling," she said.
With all due respect: These are the people who are supposed to be protecting our rights? If it wasn't so frightening, it would be absurd.

Friedrich's quote from the weekend was particularly quaint: "I have no reason to doubt that the US respects rights and the law." Yet in a way, he is right. The problem is not the violation of certain laws. Rather, in the US the laws themselves are the problem. The NSA, in fact, didn't even overreach its own authority when it sucked up 97 billion pieces of data in one single 30-day period last March. Rather, it was acting on the orders of the entire US government, including the executive, legislative and judicial branches, the Democrats, the Republicans, the House of Representatives, the Senate and the Supreme Court. They are all in favor. Democratic Senator Dianne Feinstein, chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, merely shrugged her shoulders and said: "It's legal."

A Monitored Human Being Is Not a Free One

What, exactly, is the purpose of the National Security Agency? Security, as its name might suggest? No matter in what system or to what purpose: A monitored human being is not a free human being. And every state that systematically contravenes human rights, even in the alleged service of security, is acting criminally.

Those who believed that drone attacks in Pakistan or the camp at Guantanamo were merely regrettable events at the end of the world should stop to reflect. Those who still believed that the torture at Abu Ghraib or that the waterboarding in CIA prisons had nothing to do with them, are now changing their views. Those who thought that we are on the good side and that it is others who are stomping all over human rights are now opening their eyes. A regime is ruling in the United States today that acts in totalitarian ways when it comes to its claim to total control. Soft totalitarianism is still totalitarianism.

We're currently in the midst of a European crisis. But this unexpected flare-up of American imperialism serves as a reminder of the necessity for Europe. Does anyone seriously believe that Obama will ensure the chancellor and her interior minister that the American authorities will respect the rights of German citizens in the future? Only Europe can break the American fantasy of omnipotence. 

One option would be for Europe to build its own system of networks to prevent American surveillance. Journalist Frank Schirrmacher of the respected Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung newspaper recommended that over the weekend. "It would require subsidies and a vision as big as the moon landing," he argues.

A simpler approach would be to just force American firms to respect European laws. The European Commission has the ability to do that. The draft for a new data privacy directive has already been presented. It just has to be implemented. Once that happens, American secret services might still be able to walk all over European law, but if US Internet giants like Google, Apple, Microsoft and Facebook want to continue making money off of a half-billion Europeans, then they will have to abide by our laws. Under the new law, companies caught passing on data in ways not permitted are forced to pay fines. You can be sure that these companies would in turn apply pressure to their own government. The proposal envisions setting that fine at 2 percent of a company's worldwide revenues.

That's a lot of money -- and also a language that America understands.


Monday, June 17, 2013

3426 - Transition Failure - Down to Earth.orf


Jun 30, 2013 | From the print edition

With an eye on the 2014 general election, the UPA government is expanding its ambitious Direct Benefit Transfer programme that promises welfare as cash in bank accounts. But without any groundwork it is only creating more trouble for beneficiaries


Come July 1, the UPA government will roll out the second phase of its ambitious programme, Direct Benefit Transfer or DBT. The programme aims to transfer welfare benefits, such as scholarship, pension and subsidies, directly to the bank accounts of the beneficiaries. When the government kicked off the first phase in 43 districts in January this year, it hyped DBT as a “game changer” in the way it provides benefits to the people.

The controversy-hit UPA sees the programme as its trump card for the 2014 general election. It plans to expand DBT to 78 districts, covering almost a fifth of the country.

At the core of the scheme are bank accounts that have to be “seeded”—paired in lay lexicon—with a biometric-based Aadhaar card that assigns a unique identification number. As Down To Earth reporters travel to five states under DBT they report that thousands of beneficiaries are left out of the DBT coverage at every step of opening the Aadhaar-paired account

‘WHAT’S ACCOUNT SEEDING?’

When it comes to percolation of benefits through the UPA government’s ambitious direct benefit transfer (DBT) programme, Jharkhand fares the worst among states that Down To Earth visited. The programme remains a nonstarter in all the four districts in the state where it was rolled out in the first phase. And it is not difficult to figure out why.

Senior officials of the districts open up the discussion on DBT with a fundamental question: “What is seeding of bank account?” To the uninitiated, it means integrating one’s bank account with his or her unique identity (UID), or Aadhaar number. This helps the government access the details of the beneficiary and transfer welfare benefits as cash to his or her bank account. Thus, it is the single most important procedure to roll out DBT.

This ignorance among government officials is indicative of the state’s progress in implementing the ambitious programme of the UPA government. Seraikella-Kharsawan, the first district in the state under DBT since January, has more than 46,500 beneficiaries of different schemes. Only 500 are receiving the benefits.

In state capital Ranchi, District Information Officer Deepak Kumar claims 53,671 people are benefitting from 11 schemes under DBT. But the figure does not remain this impressive when Kumar divulges that the government has so far disbursed only Rs 16,454. This means each beneficiary has received Rs 3.20. This is a serious mismatch.

Confusion over numbers also reigns in Hazaribagh. At a recent review meeting of DBT, state chief secretary lauded Hazaribagh for the maximum Aadhaar coverage in the state. District UID officer Neetu Bharti says her department has issued Aadhaar cards to 9,000 people in Hazaribagh and all of them have seeded the card number with their bank accounts. But she admits that only 2,023 are receiving benefits.

According to the status report of the National Payments Corporation of India, the gateway for payment under DBT, released in March this year, cash benefits have returned from the bank accounts of 10-15 per cent beneficiaries even though the accounts were integrated with Aadhaar.

Lack of expertise or vested interest?
Till date, the UPA government has brought 25 Centrally funded schemes under DBT. But in Jharkhand, most schemes under DBT are state government sponsored. The Hazaribagh district administration claims to have brought 14 Central schemes under DBT, but 80 per cent of the beneficiaries are those enrolled for the state-sponsored scholarship and pension schemes. The Seraikella-Kharsawan district administration is yet to bring any Central scheme under the programme.


Khauri Pradhan Devi of Dugdha gram panchayat in Seraikella-Kharsawan is one of the 10 people who are receiving benefits through DBT. Another 440 are waiting

Analysts say such biased implementation could be politically motivated. The district is the Assembly constituency of Chief Minister Arjun Munda who belongs to the Bharatiya Janata Party in the opposition at the Centre.

The district authorities fail to give a clear answer for the tardy implementation of DBT. Sangram Besra, deputy development commissioner of Seraikella-Kharsawan, blames it on poor Aadhaar coverage. “Kuchai and Rajnagar blocks of the district that have seen Maoist violence in the past have not been even visited by UID teams. This is when there are 357 UID enrolment centres across the state,” says Besra. “I have no qualms in revealing that the 16,162 people enrolled for UID in the district, belong to urban and semi urban areas, not rural areas.” Until Aadhaar cards are made, Besra plans to use the database of workers under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) to disburse benefits.

Recently at a press conference in Ranchi, Nandan Nilekani, chairperson of the UID Authority of India, claimed that 20 million of a total 32.4 million people in the state have been enrolled for Aadhaar card. He also said every day about 69,000 people in Jharkhand are enrolling in Aadhaar. This means, within a year every resident of Jharkhand will have an Aadhaar card. But Nilekani evaded one crucial number, which is how many Aadhaar cards have been delivered to people and especially to those living in the hinterlands.


In Seraikella-Kharsawan’s Dugdha gram panchayat all the 450 tribals have enrolled in Aadhaar. Only 10 of them have received the card and are receiving old age pension through DBT. The rest are waiting for the card. And they are not the only ones. People in Maharashtra are also facing this problem.

On record, Wardha, Maharashtra’s pilot district for DBT, has the highest percentage of Aadhaar registrations for any district in the country. According to the Unique Identification Authority of India, 1.08 million Aadhaar cards (84.6 per cent) have been generated against a population of 1.3 million. Some 360,000 beneficiaries have linked their bank accounts with Aadhaar and the district administration has disbursed Rs 2.07 crore to these accounts.

The district administration now showcases an award it received in January from management consulting firm Skoch Development Foundation for successful transfer of funds under Janani Suraksha Yojana to mothers’ bank accounts through DBT (see ‘Suraksha compromised’). But the situation is not as hunky-dory as it appears.

Despite high number of enrolments and generation of Aadhaar IDs, cards are yet to reach many in the district. Worse, the administration has no clue about the number of missing cards and the reason they are missing.

Consider Seloo tehsil. With 88 per cent cards generated, the tehsil tops in Aadhaar coverage in the district. But in Seloo’s Yelakeli gram panchayat, nearly 50 per cent of the population of 6,000 do not have Aadhaar cards. “Only 15 per cent of them had failed to enrol in Aadhaar. The rest are waiting for the cards despite enrolment for some six months now,” says sarpanch Bandu Gawhale. “In April we sent a plea to the district collector to organise an Aadhaar camp in Yelakeli, but we are yet to hear from him,” Gawhale says.
The situation is baffling in neighbouring Paonar village where people have not received Aadhaar cards even after two years. The large number of missing Aadhaar cards means equal deprivation of entitlements covered under DBT. Since January, nine Central schemes, including Janani Suraksha Yojana, education scholarships and pension for the old and widows, are under the DBT regime in Wardha.


A poster in Wardha giving information on the linkage of cooking gas subsidy with Aadhaar from June 1 (Photo: Aparna Pallavi)

In Yelakeli, 70-year-old Kaushalyabai Shete has stopped receiving old age pension since January after she failed to produce her Aadhaar card. In nearby Babhulgaon village, 17-year-old Sonali Hajare informs that six students, including her, did not receive scholarship for want of the card.

A sense of panic grips people as the district has begun disbursing important subsidies like those for cooking gas through DBT from June 1. Plans to disburse MGNREGA wages and fertiliser subsidy through Aadhaar-enabled bank accounts are also in the pipeline. These schemes target a larger mass of people. As the kharif season approaches, the greatest anxiety is regarding fertiliser subsidies.

“I could not enrol when the Aadhaar camp was organised in my village. I was visiting my relatives,” says 68-year-old Moreshwar Lonkar from Yelakeli. “Now the camp is over. The sowing season is very close and we will have to pay double the price for fertiliser, which we can ill afford,” says he.

District collector N Nawin Sona admits that the Aadhaar enrolment drive did not turn out as it should have been. The district started with 35 UID machines and is now left with only 17. “With most of the works done here, the machines have been moved to other districts,” says Sona.

Social activists and panchayat members give a different reason for the poor Aadhaar coverage. They say camps were held without proper awareness among people about the programme and without any coordination with panchayats. “The UID team shut camps and left when they pleased, regardless of whether all people in the village had been enrolled or not,” says Aruna Bahadure, panchayat member of Yelakeli.

Card or no card, one thing that worries everyone is whether the subsidies that are proposed to be DBT-linked will really be credited to the bank account, and in time. “Once the linkage is made, the price of fertilisers will double,” says Pilaram Champatrao Raut, a farmer from Ghorad village, one of the showcase villages of the district administration for DBT implementation. If subsidy reaches late, farmers will be in deep trouble, says farmer Ambadas Chambhare. “It will not make fertilisers any cheaper. What is wrong with the subsidy system?” he asks.

Input dealers are equally apprehensive. “Once the subsidised supply stops we will have to make a higher investment to procure stocks,” says Pankaj Kamdi, a dealer from Seloo. “We will not be able to give farmers the informal loan because of high risks. It will impact farmer’s economy as well as our business,” he adds.

Sona says his administration is
making all efforts to ensure that subsidies are credited to the beneficiary’s account within 24 hours. However, at this moment, assurances are cold comfort. The poor of Wardha have their fingers crossed.

“How can a government, which is not able to transfer welfare benefits even after months, credit subsidies within 24 hours?” asks Pushpa Behade of Ghorad. Behade, a farm hand, has not received widow pension since January, although she has an Aadhaar card and a bank account. It appears Behade’s Aadhaar number has not been integrated with her bank account. This lack of knowledge has left thousands of beneficiaries like Behade bereft of their dues, particularly in Rajasthan.

Suraksha compromised




No bank account meant no benefit for Deepali Thakre (Photo: Aparna Pallavi)
The Wardha district administration has been much lauded for its prompt implementation of Janani Suraksha Yojana through DBT. It was one of the first schemes to be brought under DBT in Wardha. The administration held camps to enrol pregnant women all over the district and roped in anganwadi workers and auxiliary nurse midwives to open their bank accounts. Anupam Hivlekar, medical officer of Wardha Civil Hospital, says there were initial hitches in transferring the benefits due to lack of Aadhaar cards. But that has been sorted out. “We now have the district collector’s instruction to pay all beneficiaries regardless of Aadhaar. Women who do not have bank accounts are being paid through account payee cheques,” says Hivlekar.

But everyone appears to have missed out the fact that a disturbingly large number of women do not have bank accounts, a must for encashing account payee cheques. The civil hospital’s own figures show 1,718 of the 1,873 beneficiaries were paid through account payee cheques till May 23. The cheques have a validity of three months. Bearer cheque option has been stopped since DBT was introduced.

Even the cash-on-bedside through micro-ATM option works only for account holders. The civil hospital’s report mentions that beneficiaries paid through cheques could not cash them in the absence of bank accounts, but provides no numbers. There is no explanation why such a situation has arisen. When Down To Earth shared the report with district collector N Nawin Sona and Mohan Mahshankar, general manager of Bank of India, lead bank for DBT in Wardha, they expressed bewilderment. Sona said there may have been laxity in implementation, and that he would ask hospitals to refer all cases where cheques have been issued to the bank for action.

Cycle of despair

Udaipur, Ajmer and Alwar of Rajasthan are among the first 20 districts in the country to roll out DBT in January. Five months on, many beneficiaries say they prefer the earlier system of payment through cash or bearer cheques. Their aversion is not unreasonable. Barely 23 per cent of the beneficiaries in these districts have received government benefits in their accounts since DBT was introduced. Of the rest, most have been left out of DBT as their accounts are not seeded with Aadhaar. As of April, 24,000 of the 33,000 beneficiaries in Udaipur were not receiving benefits due to this reason.
Those who have Aadhaar-enabled bank accounts also face problems, mostly due to technical glitches at the bank. M P Dungarwal, manager of the Malwa Ka Choura branch of Punjab National Bank, that has been assigned to facilitate DBT, told Down To Earth that increasing workload without a robust technical backup is hindering the roll-out. Before DBT, the bank had 4,500 accounts. Now there are 15,000. All these accounts must be seeded with Aadhaar and linked to the electronic payment system. But the branch suffers from poor internet connectivity that cripples the programme, says Dungarwal. Incomplete information on the Aadhaar card is another problem. Many names do not have surnames. It is difficult to process such incomplete identity information from banking point of view, he adds.
People’s woes do not end here. The account opened for DBT does not accept cheques that the beneficiary receives under government schemes yet to be brought under the DBT regime.
Dharamchand Grecia, a banking correspondent of Punjab National Bank for Kyari panchayat in Udaipur, says he has helped people open some 200 DBT accounts. “But they have limited features and people end up opening another bank account by shelling out Rs 1,000 to encash government cheques.”
In February, Naveli Bai of Piparmal village in Udaipur received a cheque of Rs 1,400 under Janani Suraksha Yojana, which offers incentive for institutional delivery. “The cheque will lapse next month if I fail to open another account by then,” she says. Naveli already has an Aadhaar-enabled bank account.
Maternity benefit programmes are losing appeal since DBT was rolled out in Rajasthan. Consider Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana. The scheme promises Rs 4,000 to a pregnant woman after she attains a certain nutrition status and receives vaccinations before and after delivery. Documents available at the Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) office of Jhadol block in Udaipur show only 10 of the 35 pregnant women registered under the scheme have availed the incentive since January 2013. Maya Parmar, supervisor of Mahila Bal Vikas Kendra under Jhadol ICDS, says, “We have been asked to provide benefits to only those who have Aadhaar cards. But very few have the card.” Most do not have the required documents like voter identity cards and other residential proofs to get themselves enrolled in Aadhaar. It is difficult for expecting mothers to stand in the long queue for enrolment, she adds.



Middlemen continue to rule the roost


Bhagwan Choudhury from Kotasim block buys diesel for lighting his house after government stopped providing kerosene through PDS as an experiment to disburse subsidies through DBT (Photo: Jitendra)

Kotasim block in Alwar district hosts India’s first experiment to directly transfer cash subsidy instead of distributing kerosene through the public distribution system (PDS). This is supposed to be an experiment that will craft the government’s future plan to disburse subsidies through direct benefit transfer (DBT).

Started in December 2011, the experiment suffers from the same glitches that DBT faces in other areas. Ram Avtaar Yadav, a 60-year-old, partially blind resident of Kanherka village, has a regular question to any stranger he thinks is a government official: “Why have I not received kerosene subsidy in my account?” For the past seven months Yadav has been buying kerosene from open market as the government has stopped supplying it through PDS. Since the cost of kerosene is more than that of diesel, many people like Yadav have started using diesel for lighting their houses.

Says Mukesh Sharma, manager of Rajasthan Rural Bank, “Earlier, PDS dealers acted as middlemen. They kept ration cards of beneficiaries with them and filled them as per their wish. The system exists even now, though in a different way.” Sharma, whose bank is facilitating DBT in Kotasim, elaborates: instead of ration card, beneficiaries submit a bank account number at the fair price shop while buying kerosene. The shop owner must share the account number with the bank along with the bill so that the beneficiary receives the subsidy in his account. But shop owners often write their account numbers or that of their kins on the bill. Sharma suggests that the government should rope in gram sevaks (village development officer) and patwaris (village accountants) to check this practice.

Metro malaise
Aadhaar card a dream in Mumbai

Applicant Yash Rathod may have to wait for months for Aadhaar card

The urban poor is worse off than his rural counterpart when it comes to getting benefits through DBT. Mumbai’s poor have redefined DBT to Delayed Benefits Transfer, and twisted UPA’s slogan aapka paisa, aapke haath (your money in your hands) into aapka paisa, Aadhaar bharose (your money depends on Aadhaar). They have a reason. Most of them have stopped benefitting from government schemes since the launch of DBT. Mumbai City and Mumbai Suburban fare the lowest when it comes to distributing Aadhaar cards to the target sections. The worst affected are students belonging to Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes and other backward sections who receive scholarships. It provides for the course fees and a nominal grant for students’ expenses.
Pratik Jadhav, a student of South Mumbai’s Siddharth College, says he did not receive the Post-Matric scholarship for SCs this year as he does not have an Aadhaar card. “My father had to take loans for paying the fee,” he says. At Shindewadi municipal school, Kiran Rathod was taken aback when the school authorities told her that her children would not receive Pre-Matric scholarship this year. The scheme supports education of children whose parents are engaged in occupations such as manual scavenging and tanning. When asked why the children were deprived of the benefits, an official from the Social Justice and Special Assistance Department says, inadequate Central grants for scholarship schemes is always a problem. Unavailability of Aadhaar cards is making it worse. Since the introduction of DBT, only 2,471 of the 10,920 SC students and 1,459 of the 8,796 Other Backward Class students have received the annual scholarship. Of the 8,405 beneficiaries from manual scavenging and tanning professions, the administration could reach only 689. Though the Rathods have applied for Aadhaar cards, officials say it would take them four to five months to issue the cards.
What is complicating the scenario is the state’s changing decision. “Soon after launching DBT, the government made Aadhaar card mandatory for all schemes. However, when questions were raised in the Assembly about the inconvenience to people, the government relaxed it in last week of March. Now it has again made it mandatory.

Only tall claims


The Delhi government claims 95 per cent success in providing an Aadhaar number to citizens. But its achievement does not seem to be trickling down to the poor of the national capital.
According to Dharampal, divisional commissioner of Delhi and nodal officer of DBT for the state, Delhi has brought nine Central schemes under DBT. Though 22,000 beneficiaries have Aadhaar cards and their UID numbers seeded with bank accounts, only 9,000 are receiving benefits. Dharampal says the state-sponsored Annshree Yojana is doing well in comparison to the Central schemes under DBT. All the 45,000 identified beneficiaries of Annshree Yojana are receiving benefits. Their number would increase to 100,000 in next couple of months, he claims. Ground realities paint a different picture.
All 50 Bengali Muslim families living in Shahbad Dairy slum in North Delhi earn their bread by ragpicking on the streets. They are eligible for Annshree, under which a BPL family without a ration card receives Rs 600 a month for food. Almost all of them have enrolled themselves in Aadhaar and have seeded their UID number with their bank accounts.

Murshid Bibi is a chance beneficiary of Annshree in Shahbad Dairy slum (Photo: Jitendra)

Yet they are running from pillar to post to avail the benefits. So far, only seven families have received the benefits. One of them is Murshid Bibi’s family.
In April, Bibi’s account was credited with Rs 7,199. But her relatives Hadisa Bibi and Tojila Bibi are yet to receive the benefit. In January, they had spent Rs 1,000 each for opening new accounts after bank officials told them that their old accounts cannot be integrated with Aadhaar. But their hopes have turned into frustration.

Gas gamble


Andhra Pradesh is arguably the only state that was prepared to roll out DBT. It ran a two-year campaign to enroll people under Aadhaar and also experimented with models to implement DBT. In the first phase, the state selected five districts where it had already implemented a state-initiated cash transfer programme for scholarship and pension schemes. According to M V S Rami Reddy, deputy director general of UIDAI, Andhra Pradesh, about 75 million of the 85 million population in the state have been enrolled in the programme as of May 15. More than 58 million cards have been generated. The five first-phase districts have a population of 27.5 million, of which 90 per cent have been enrolled in Aadhaar. Reddy says the postal department is now grappling with the problem of delivering the huge volume of cards.
The state launched Aadhaar-linked scholarship in Hyderabad, Chittoor and East Godavari on May 1 on a pilot basis. And it was a cake walk. The state was already making scholarship payments through bank accounts and had streamlined the process. “We do not see a distinct value-addition in Aadhaar linkage in terms of disbursement, because we had cleaned the data system and almost eliminated duplicates and bogus holders,” says P V Ramesh, principal secretary, finance, and nodal officer for implementing DBT. However, Ramesh says, Aadhaar is certainly one more check. Every year the state government disburses Rs 5,000 crore as scholarship to 2.7 million students. Even before DBT was launched, 80-85 per cent of scholarship holders had seeded their Aadhaar numbers with bank accounts. In East Godavari, the seeding percentage is 90 per cent, says Ramesh.

Yerra Ravi of Rangareddy says he first needs cash to buy gas cylinder (Photo: M Suchitra)
Housalla Bhujappa, a security guard in Malkapur village in Rangareddy district, whose two daughters receive scholarships, says there will not be much difference if scholarship is linked to Aadhaar since it is already being disbursed through banks. Pension is the other programme that was brought under DBT on May 1. It was rightly launched in Chittoor district as a pilot project. In Chittoor, post-office linked disbursement of pension through women’s self-help groups (SHGs) was already in place. SHG members are given hand-held devices linked with the bank or post office accounts. The pensioners go to the SHGs and give their thumb impression and get the money. After introduction of DBT all they had to do was link their Aadhaar numbers with the bank accounts.
The state’s real test began on June 1 when it brought subsidies for cooking gas under DBT. It has to cater to 4.6 million cooking gas consumers in the five DBT districts. Though 80 per cent of them are enrolled in Aadhaar, the challenge lies in linking their Aadhaar numbers with bank accounts as well as with the database of gas agencies. As of May, 55 per cent of the consumers had got their Aadhaar numbers seeded with gas companies but only 25 per cent with their bank accounts. Sensing a big trouble the government has extended the the deadline till August.
People are rushing to get their Aadhaar numbers integrated with gas agencies and bank accounts. But they are apprehensive about the new scheme, under which one has to buy cooking gas at unsubsidised rate and the Rs 435 subsidy will be credited to their accounts later. “No one knows how many days the government will take to credit the subsidy in our accounts,” says N D N Kishore, a stationery shop owner in Hyderabad. M Sathyanarayana, an internet cafe owner in the city, prefers the earlier system of getting subsidised cylinders. Both Kishore and Sathyanarayana point out that there is a possibility of the subsidy being capped and prices of cooking gas going up.

Neither ready nor steady
Challenges ahead are immense

                                            (Photo: Soumik Mukherjee)

UPA’s political leadership has focused all its attention on DBT. The ruling alliance is only a few months away from the general election and its two other big-ticket initiatives—the Right to Food Bill and the Land Acquisition Bill—are uncertain. But the first phase of DBT is unfolding more like a nightmare than a sweet political dream. At the core of the mess are poor banking coverage and lack of foolproof planning before launching the ambitious programme.
DBT aims at reducing the administrative cost of delivering benefits and weeding out siphoning off of benefits (see ‘Kind to cash’, Down To Earth, February 1-15, 2011). It does so by pairing the unique identity number in the Aadhaar card with the bank account of a person. This enables the government to identify the right beneficiary and to send monetised benefits directly to his or her account. The International Monetary Fund has estimated the impact DBT can have in India, and according to it, the combination of cash transfer and the Aadhaar system of identification will reduce wrongful diversion of benefits in welfare programmes by 15 per cent. This can save the government Rs 56,859 crore in 2013-14 which is more than half the rural development budget.
Using the Planning Commission’s data on DBT, Down To Earth (DTE) calculated the current status of the programme’s actual reach in the 43 districts covered in the first phase. The findings are a harsh verdict on its progress. In the past four months, of the estimated 1.6 million beneficiaries of some 25 schemes, only 4 per cent have been able to get benefits in their accounts (see ‘Not so direct’ ). The benefits include mostly old age pension and cash incentives for institutional delivery. In fact, in the five states DTE travelled to not all schemes have been implemented under DBT. This is despite the fact that states like Jharkhand, Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh have almost two years of experience in direct benefit transfer.

                                                Illustration: Anirban Bora

There are three key reasons for this dismal performance which are also fundamental to a cash transfer programme. They are: low coverage of formal banking system; Aadhaar enrollment not keeping pace with the rolling out of the programme; and significantly low level of pairing of beneficiaries’ accounts with their Aadhaar numbers.
Currently, there is one bank branch for every 12,100 people, making India one of the least covered countries. DBT increases the demand for coverage by several times. The government either has to set up new branches or increase the existing branches’ capacity. Going by the state of banking in rural areas, one rural branch has the capacity to open up not more than 15 accounts in a day. But DBT experience in various states shows that a branch has to manage 70-90 accounts a day. In October 2011, the government made it compulsory for banks to open branches in all habitations with a population of 5,000 or more. There were 3,925 such habitations to be covered. By April 2013, nearly 15 per cent habitations were yet to have a bank. Then, there are not enough ATMs for people to access their money easily. According to RBI’S estimate, the country needs at least 34,668 on-site ATMs but only 1,097 ATMs could be opened till April. This has affected DBT’s outreach because absence of ATMs means the already overburdened banks have to handle the withdrawal transactions as well.
Opening an account under DBT is a little different. For this people require enrolment with Aadhaar. This presents the next obstacle. Only half of the beneficiaries have enrolled with Aadhaar till date and one-third have opened the account. Importantly, there is hardly any visible effort to pair the accounts with the Aadhaar numbers, thus, leaving out 96 per cent of the beneficiaries.
The recently launched cooking gas subsidy transfer also faces this problem, with added intensity. An LPG consumer has to pair his Aadhaar number with not only the bank account but also the service provider. Soon after bringing LPG under DBT, the government celebrated a million transactions by June end. But there are widespread complaints also. Only 20 per cent of the consumers had paired their numbers with accounts, while about 58 per cent paired with service providers. This is despite the fact that the 20 districts where LPG was brought under DBT have more than 90 per cent Aadhaar coverage. Sujata Chaturvedi, deputy director general of the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), says, “Some states started late, so they lagged. We want to keep pace but problems like lack of machines, staff and awareness among people came to the fore.” She warns, “The process of seeding of account would be another uphill task.”
On April 29, the Planning Commission convened a meeting to take stock of DBT’s progress. Collectors of all the 121 districts to be covered under the programme from July 1 and other key players attended the meeting. Sources inform that to the shock of Finance Minister P Chidambaram, the banks and district officials blamed each other for the shortcomings, reflecting a sorry state of affairs. Notable was the absence of any representative from the DBT gateway, National Payment Corporation of India (NPCI), which came under severe criticism at the meeting.
It seems nobody wants to take responsibility (see ‘Initial hiccups...’). The Union Ministry of Rural Development (MoRD) blames the banks for not expanding their reach. The ministry is implementing a pilot programme of direct cash transfer of wages under the rural employment guarantee programme in five states. It is using the national electronic fund transfer system, the usual money transfer one does electronically using individual account. Since its launch in October 2012 it has transferred Rs 389 crore till the end of May this year. “The value addition under DBT will be when the money is paid at the doorstep. It is only possible if banks recruit business correspondents in every panchayat with micro-ATM,” suggests Rajesh Bhushan, joint secretary of MoRD. But banks informally blame the Aadhaar system and the high administrative cost of the programme that is not adequately compensated. DTE reached out to many banks but none of them agreed to speak on the subject.
Banks also refuse to take responsibility for the identity generated under the Aadhaar number. All banks are supposed to keep a record of their customers’ identity under RBI’s “know your customer” rules. UIDAI has refused to take the responsibility, saying its job is only to create the identification number.
The troubles do not end there. “Many accounts seeded with Aadhaar numbers still do not get direct payment,” points out Vaibhav Galeria, district collector of Ajmer. “There is lack of coordination among different agencies, largely between banks and NPCI.” A P Hota, managing director and CEO of NPCI, blames banks for the glitches. Responding to DTE queries, Hota denies any technical problem at the gateway. “For felicitating DBT, NPCI maintains the Aadhaar Mapper (software that keeps all the subscribers’ data). This Mapper is updated remotely by banks by logging into the NPCI system. If banks do not update the Mapper, the transactions are likely to be returned unprocessed. Therefore, it is necessary that banks update the Mapper on a day-to-day basis.”
The problems are set to multiply as the government rolls out the second phase of DBT with 78 more districts from July 1. In June, it launched transfer of subsidy for cooking gas. In October, the rural employment guarantee programme will be brought under DBT. From 1.6 million beneficiaries at present the programme will cover close to 25 million beneficiaries by July. With coverage of MGNREGA, the number of beneficiaries will jump to 34 million. That the government is nervous is visible. Since April, there have been hectic attempts to salvage the situation, with the Prime Minister’s Office taking direct charge of DBT monitoring.
However, there are pertinent lessons for the government to make the future transfers smooth. The experiences of transferring pension in Andhra Pradesh and transferring wage under the rural employment programme in Rajasthan are instructive. In both the cases, the government embarked on a preparatory stage. This resulted in innovation. In Andhra Pradesh, the pension receivers go to the local self-help group and give thumb impression to a hand-held device for verification to get pension right there. This device is linked to the person’s account in post office or the local bank. In Jharkhand, government simply used the electronic transfer system to give wages. There are merits in these experiments in terms of simplifying the system. But these experiments may not be leakage-proof. Teething problems like delay in benefit transfer and absence of value addition in DBT also need to be addressed innovatively.
But the question that still needs to be asked and answered is whether the country is prepared for this roll-out? If not, will this election initiative backfire on the ruling UPA? Clearly, god is in the details, and the details are missing.

DBT: Initial hiccups or a mistake in haste?


Different schemes Have different challenges
Rajesh Bhushan,
Joint Secretary,
Ministry of Rural Development
Till date, the 25 schemes rolled out under DBT are Centrally funded. So it has been easy to send money directly to the beneficiaries' accounts. But implementing those pension schemes that have state budgets as well is going to be tough. The finance ministry is the key body for such schemes, but it is unable to send money directly to the beneficiary’s account because of varying structures of schemes across states. I believe the scheme will be effective if payment is made at the doorstep. And this can be made possible by recruiting millions of business correspondents of banks in every panchayat with Micro-ATM

Aadhaar Should Have Been Implemented Years Ago


Sujata Chaturvedi,
Deputy Director General,
UIDAI
The idea of providing unique identity number should have been implemented 25 years ago. We have registered nearly 300 million people under Aadhaar. It is the duty of the state government to organise camps to enrol its people. Sometimes seasonal problems like floods and festivals slow the enrolment process. I agree that the process of seeding of Aadhaar numbers with bank accounts would be another uphill task

Blame Banks For The Glitches And Non-Cooperation

A P Hota,
Managing Director,
National Payment Corporation of India (gateway for payment under DBT)
There is no technical problem at the National Payment Corporation of India (NPCI). For facilitating DBT, NPCI maintains the Aadhaar Mapper. Banks update this Mapper remotely by logging into the NPCI system. If the banks do not do so, the transactions are likely to be returned unprocessed. Therefore, it is necessary that banks update the Mapper on a day-to-day basis

Seeding Of Accounts Taking Time


Nidhi Khare,
Advisor (DBT),
Planning Commission of India
There is a delay in enrolments under Aadhaar and seeding of accounts. It is a time-consuming exercise. But the fact is there is a growing acceptance of cash incentives offered through DBT

Don't replace goods and Services with cash


Nikhil Dey,
Activist,
Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan
We are not against the idea of Aadhaar-related cash transfer. Our main concern is replacement of goods and services with cash. Government’s own data shows that DBT has failed to benefit the poor. Pension scheme is good option for cash transfer. Janani Surksha Yojana is successful without technology

Things Will Be Good


Montek Singh Ahluwalia
Deputy Chairperson,
Planning Commission of India
I agree that there is lack of coordination among different agencies. Even the prime minister is working on it. The glitches and delays are all transitional issues. It will definitely be sorted out in the coming months
Jitendra reported from Rajasthan and Delhi; Aparna Pallavi and Akshay Deshmane from Maharashtra; Alok Gupta from Jharkhand and M Suchitra from Andhra Pradesh

3425 - A grain of common sense - Business Standard


Sreenivasan Jain  June 11, 2013 Last Updated at 21:48 IST

Chhattisgarh proves no cash transfer or UID is needed to make PDS work

Viewed from a ration shop in Surguja in the largely poor tribal north of Chhattisgarh, the arguments for and against the food security Bill seem way off the mark. We had travelled there to see first-hand Chhattisgarh's much-celebrated transformation of its broken, corrupt public distribution system (a recent survey found that wastage of PDS grain dropped from 60 per cent in 2004 to an astonishing 10 per cent in 2009). In village after village, we were told that the grain arrives every month on a fixed date, is of decent quality, not worm-infested or broken, and that every ration card holder in the village gets his/her full due of 35 kg of rice at the declared price of Rs 1 or Rs 2 per kg.

The "revolution" began with Chhattisgarh wresting ownership of ration shops from unscrupulous private traders and handing over control to self-help groups, panchayats and cooperatives. This has meant greater accountability, unlike in the past when villagers had to trek for several hours to a privately-run ration shop that would open erratically, overcharge or claim it has run out of grain.

There is also in place an extraordinarily (by government standards) efficient, corruption-free back-end logistics chain. Signals from the top and fear of the law are key ingredients. Regular review meetings are common - as are FIRs. Private rice mills, which mill paddy for the state, no longer dare siphon off or adulterate rice. The week of our visit, FIRs were filed against five rice mill owners and officials of the food department in Surguja.

Corruption by transporters, an endemic problem, has been reduced by a mix of innovations like posting banners on PDS-grain bearing trucks, to sending SMSes to the ration shop once the truck has left the godown. Suresh Dwivedi of Surguja district's food department told us that even the theft of five kg of rice results in an FIR against the transporter. "We call him ration-chor," he says.

What does any of this have to do with the food security Bill? Not very much. The Bill does mention some of the above steps for PDS reform, but in a diluted form.

Political will is key. Until the Naxal attack on the state Congress leadership, PDS may well have ensured Raman Singh a hat-trick in Assembly elections later this year. The electoral potential of PDS has led poor-performing states like Odisha and Jharkhand to borrow elements from Chhattisgarh (which in turn is based on the Tamil Nadu model) to improve their broken PDS systems, again without a food Bill.

But supporters of the Bill argue that it will pick up the extra expenses the states bear as they move towards near-universalisation. Chhattisgarh provides PDS to 70 per cent of its population - 30 percentage points more than the Planning Commission's allotment. If passed, the Bill that mandates a similar expansion nationally (from the 40 per cent to 70 per cent) can pick up the tab for the state's extra spend.

Of course, the spectre of near-universalisation and the associated increase in procurement gives nightmares to critics of the Bill, who think it will burn a hole in the Centre's pocket and create huge distortions in agriculture.

In the case of Chhattisgarh, the first is partially true. The move to 70 per cent coverage cost the state Rs 950 crore last year - out of a state Budget of Rs 40,000 crore. But there is no great distortion of farming practices. To cover 70 per cent, it procured only an additional 600,000 tonnes of rice last year over the one million tonnes it gets from the central pool, hardly a great dent in its annual production of 6.8 million tonnes of rice.

Importantly, Chhattisgarh is happy to take the fiscal hit because the move to near-universalisation proved crucial to its PDS success. More coverage meant that deserving beneficiaries don't get excluded. Yes, some undeserving families sneak into the system, but the figure is far too small to count. The expanded footprint and cheaper rates meant an increase in the numbers of users of the ration shop, which places greater pressure on the system to perform. (The state is moving to 90 per cent coverage under its own food security Bill).

Proponents of the Bill who want to wrap up the PDS and replace it with Aadhaar-linked cash transfers do not have much to cheer from the Chhattisgarh experiment either.

Chhattisgarh proves that you don't need cash transfers or Aadhaar to get grain to the poor. There is an information technology backbone that has placed everything online - from the paddy procurement to the inventory of every single ration shop - but it is basic and low-cost. In fact, a more innovative use of awareness "technology" is painting the walls of every single ration shop and even people's houses with their entitlements.

As activist Samir Garg points out, improving PDS has seen a drop in child malnutrition from 47 per cent to 35 per cent. He says though PDS doesn't directly focus on the child, it allows the poor to afford other food items that, in turn, improves the child's diet.

This is hardly to suggest that Chhattisgarh's regime with its dubious record of human rights excesses and mining-related corruption has suddenly developed a conscience. But regardless of political motivations, those taking positions for and against the food security Bill, would do well to ground their arguments in the experience of states that are finding ways of getting grain to the poor.



The writer anchors the ground reportage show Truth vs Hype on NDTV 24X7

3424 - Identity crisis slows Aadhaar rollout - Times of India


Ajanta Chakraborty, TNN | Jun 15, 2013, 03.55 AM IST

Many residents, after waiting in long queues for biometric identification, have ended up with mistaken identities as their National Resident Identity Card (NRIC) - loosely called the " Aadhaar" card - display the wrong data.

Blame it on the new software (Aadhaar version 2.2.1.0) which, while enrolling a resident into the system, would wrongly provide the name of his home district. Documents available with TOI reveal that several residents of Cossipore, Baghbazar, Shyambazar, Hatkhola, Beadon Street, Dum Dum, Ghugudanga, Alambazar, Baranagar, Belgachia, Motijheel, Bediapara and Noapara have been enrolled as living in Bankura. Strangely enough, the identification data displays Kolkata as a sub-district.

Residents of Bansdroni, who were enrolled as living in the sub-district of Budge Budge-1 and the district of South 24-Parganas, were one of the lucky few to have had the mistake rectified. Others have been given wrong pin-codes, even though most of the other relevant data is correct.

The mismatch of data has made collating impossible. Consequently, NPR programmes are being stalled in several areas. A ruckus erupted recently at Nurpur at Diamond Harbour, South 24-Parganas, when residents realized that the master data contained wrong inputs, sources said.

They said pin codes weren't available at the Srifalberia mouja in the same district, and the enrolment camps had to be folded up. Trouble erupted in areas like Tollygunge and Diamond Harbour because even after verification, the errors could not be corrected as the new software has no provision for rectification. Once the enrolment is done, the census directorate, with help from local civic bodies, uplink the data and the unique identification number is generated and sent to individuals by post in the form of the Resident Identity Card (RIC).

Progress of biometric enrolment has been tardy in Bengal, which has long kicked off the process of collecting biometric imprints to create the NPR, with only about 22 per cent of the population of the 9.1 crore being covered. The pilot project for Howrah is over, but work in North Dinajpur, Bankura and Purulia is yet to commence.

Officials in the state census directorate, which is implementing NPR, revealed that the implementation of the "Aadhaar" card is likely to suffer a bigger jolt because of the flawed software. "Since an individual will be provided with his 12-digit unique identification only once in his lifetime, the mistakes should be corrected either in the second round of biometric identification or done centrally through the census directorate which functions directly under the aegis of the Register General of India (RGI)," a census directorate official said.

N S Nigam, district magistrate, South 24-Parganas, admitted to "some problems" in a few blocks. "The pin codes are different and the names of the district wrongly enrolled," he said. Sanjay Bansal, DM of North 24-Parganas also said there were "issues related to pin codes". State officials admit that the progress of NPR was "very slow" indeed.


P K Majumdar, acting director of census operations, said, "I am not authorized to speak to the media." Calls to S K Chakraborty, deputy director general, Register General of India (RGI), went unanswered.

3423 - Why the Food Security Bill is neither populist nor unaffordable - Economic Times


14 Jun, 2013, 05.00AM ISTPost a Comment

The official poverty threshold is low. Many people above the threshold are also poor and look just like the people below the threshold. As a result, there is no reliable way in which subsidies can be targeted only to the people below the official threshold.

By Ashok Kotwal 

Criticism of the National Food Security Bill (NFSB) has led to the government dropping the idea of issuing an Ordinance and, instead, saying it would try to get the Bill passed in a special session of Parliament. 

But doubts persist over the very concept of the Bill. Is it not extravagant to subsidise food for such a large part of the population when the poor constitute only 30 per cent of the population? Can a poor country afford such spending? Isn't the Food Bill just corruption by another name? Wouldn't the Bill lead to a virtual takeover of the grain trade by the central government? As a rising tide lifts all boats, should we not invest in growth rather than spend on consumption? These are all valid questions and we will attempt to answer them. 

In a nutshell, we think the Bill is neither populist nor unaffordable. Some of the anxiety over the cost, corruption and the government's ever-increasing role in the grain market stems from the assumption that PDS will remain forever the main vehicle of delivering the food subsidy. But if the government develops the necessary infrastructure — e.g., UID-linked bank accounts — states will be encouraged to switch to cash transfers. The extra costs of government storage and distribution will then be saved and the problems caused by the distortion of the grain trade will be mitigated. Many worries that arise from the identification of the food Bill with the PDS will disappear. 

The Right to Food campaign is right to stress the need for a food subsidy with near-universal coverage but is wrong in its visceral opposition to cash transfers. The result is a food Bill written wholly in terms of an expansion of the PDS. Suggestions for reforms such as cash transfers and the use of biometric ID have been shunted to an obscure chapter despite the fact that the Delhi government has already opted for delivering the food subsidy through cash transfers. 

Anyone who has had a cursory look at the food Bill tends to assume it is just expanding the present PDS and, thus, worsening existing problems of leakage, corruption and high costs of storage and distribution. This makes people antagonistic toward the idea of the food Bill. The opposition of the Right to Food campaign to even experiment with cash transfers has harmed the poor by making people sympathetic to the critics of the food Bill. 

Cash transfers are often opposed on the grounds of paternalism. "If we give cash to the poor, they might blow it on frivolous things. If we give them food, they will be better nourished." This can work as an argument for midday meals but not as a justification for PDS, which is nothing but an income transfer: the effect of the subsidy is that households save the money that would have otherwise been used to buy food at market prices. 

Why do we need such an income transfer? Because about 90 per cent of India's labour force makes a living in the informal sector. For inclusive growth, we need to invest in education and skills and remove constraints to the absorption of labour by the formal sector. But we also need to improve productivity in the informal sector, which depends on human capital and access to credit. Financial aid that gives the poor some flexibility in managing their affairs helps improve the productivity of their time. What looks like consumption also works as investment. 

But if "the poor" are only the bottom third or so, why offer food subsidy to the bottom two-thirds of India? We often talk about the poor as if it is a well-defined group, but that is hardly the case. The official poverty threshold is low. Many people above the threshold are also poor and look just like the people below the threshold. As a result, there is no reliable way in which subsidies can be targeted only to the people below the official threshold. 

Finally, there is the issue of costs. Official projections are that it would cost close to 1.5 per cent of GDP. But even in the most pessimistic scenario, our GDP is expected to grow at 5 per cent per annum in the near future. If we think of the fact that the Bill will cost less than one-third of the growth in the national income next year, it does not seem that unaffordable, especially given its value to the millions who will receive it. 


(The writer is professor of economics, University of British Columbia. Co-authored with Milind Murugkar, a food policy analyst based in Nasik, and Bharat Ramaswami, professor of economics at the Indian Statistical Institute, Delhi)